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  • Letter from Charles H. Abbott to Samuel B. Reed, May 17, 1860

    In this letter from May 17, 1860, Charles H. Abbott writes to Samuel Reed from Chicago recommending an acquaintance for employment as a farm hand. He also notes that "we are having great times here" on account of the Republican National Convention. He teases Reed about his support of Stephen A. Douglas, writing "come up and be converted to the true Republicans of /76 or will you wait to take the chances of the Little Giant at Baltimore."

  • Letter from Samuel B. Reed to Jennie Reed, October 3, 1860

    In this letter from October 3, 1860, Samuel Reed writes to his wife informing her that he has returned from his trip into the South. He tells her the engineer who promised him and John R. Boyle work was mistaken about the time it would be available and they do not know yet whether they will get it. He describes the wealth present in Vicksburg, Mississippi and states that he found it "very comfortable to have all the help wanted about a place and to feel that they are stationary and will not leave if any fault is found with them." He describes the slaves as "contented and happy," noting that they are better dressed than the laboring classes of the North. He also notes that Stephen A. Douglas is to speak in Chicago "and there will be a gathering of the people that will make the black Republicans quil in their shoes."

  • Pacific Railway Act of 1862

    The mechanism for the creation of the Union Pacific Railroad Company, this document is a demonstration of the intricate relationship between the business of the railroad and the business of government and expansion.

  • Homestead Act

    In this report of the Agricultural Committee to the House of Representatives, the importance of European immigration into the American West for the continued prosperity and growth of the nation is emphasized in a call for the establishment of an Emigration Bureau. Note the emphasis on the need for internal improvements (including the railroad) to facilitate the mobility of immigrants and agricultural products.

  • Letter from Samuel B. Reed to Jennie Reed, March 2, 1863

    In this letter from March 2, 1863, Samuel Reed writes to his wife expressing concern over the appearance of cannon in Joliet, Illinois and the potential violation of "the liberties of the people." He describes the political climate in Burlington, Iowa as "not as pleasant as I could wish," and is particularly disturbed by the wholesale treatment of Democrats as traitors. Reed also details his tiresome trip back to Burlington, and notes a reminiscence of "old times and troubles on the M. & M. R.R." resulting from an impromptu visit from a Mr. Rheinhart.

  • Letter from Samuel B. Reed to Wife and Children, March 15, 1863

    In this letter from March 15, 1863, Samuel Reed writes to his wife and family describing a debate between a Democratic state senator and Republican army officers which he observed while traveling. Reed defends the Democrat's right to free speech, arguing that he said "nothing disloyal" but rather spoke unpleasant truths which the Republicans did not wish to accept. Reed also notes that he may be able to travel home for a visit in the middle of April and intends to have his photograph taken at that time.

  • Cause of the Strike and a Remedy

    This article from the July 23, 1877 edition of the Chicago Daily Tribune outlines the various causes of the strike—placing blame on railroad workers and railroad executives—and stresses that the remedy to this situation can only be achieved once mob rule has been replace by law and order.

  • Timely Advice

    This article from the July 23, 1877 edition of the St. Louis Dispatch advises the Missouri Pacific Railroad to "set the example to other roads to promptly acquiesce in all reasonable demands" by the workers in order to peacefully end the railroad strike.

  • [Let Us Have Peace]

    This article from the July 23, 1877 edition of the Chicago Inter-Ocean argues that a strike cannot be allowed to start in Chicago, or the city will see the same bloodshed and violence as in Baltimore and Pittsburgh. The editors state that violence must not be allowed to flourish; despite the contention between railroad workers and railroad executives, peace should trump workplace disagreements.

  • The Great Strike

    This article from the July 23, 1877 edition of the Chicago Daily Tribune suggests that railroad corporations should adopt new policies to meet the needs of railroad workers, which will also keep many of the corporations from falling into bankruptcy.

  • Bad Allies

    In this article from the July 23, 1877 edition of the Toledo Blade, the editors support the striking railroad workers, but condemn the "mob of scoundrels who took advantage of the occasion to commit all sorts of depredations."

  • The Strike

    This article from the July 23, 1877 edition of the St. Louis Daily Globe-Democrat condemns the recent actions of the railroad strikers and hopes that the city can avoid a repeat of the violence in Pittsburgh, where the mob has "pillaged and burned and murdered in the carnival of crime."

  • The Strike

    This article from the July 24, 1877 edition of the St. Louis Dispatch notes the outbreak of violence in the city and states that "the railroad war in St. Louis has actually begun." The newspaper condemns the workers who are destroying property, but supports the "real workingmen" who "do not cut their own throats in this way."

  • Progress of the Strike

    This article from the July 24, 1877 edition of the St. Louis Daily Globe-Democrat commends the actions of the Missouri railroads, which have done their best to support the workers and have "removed the last excuse for disorder or violence." The editors condemn Communists, but support the striking workers in their quest for higher wages—a request the newspaper hopes the company will consider.

  • The Tyranny of the "Brotherhood"

    This article from the July 25, 1877 edition of the Toledo Blade states the newspaper's strong oppositon to the "tyranny" of the railroad union, whose "managers care nothing for the welfare of the community at large, nor the best good of its members."

  • The Chicago Strike

    This article from the July 25, 1877 edition of the Chicago Inter-Ocean gives notice of the newspaper's support for the striking workers. The editors state that "we recognize their privilege to do as they please about working, and shall utter no reproach against them," as long as they abstain from violence.

  • | Book

    The Congressional Globe [excerpts]

    In these excerpts from a Senate debate over regulations for a District of Columbia street railroad, many typical arguments for and against public segregation are aired in language that also reveals attitudes towards race and equality as the Civil War continued.

  • | Diary

    Rutherford B. Hayes Diary Entry, August 2, 1877

    This August 2, 1877 entry from President Rutherford B. Hayes' diary notes the proximity of his relatives to the violence in Pittsburgh.

  • | Government document

    Senate Report on Catharine Brown

    The U.S. Senate Committee on the District of Columbia hears testimony about the forcible ejection of Catherine Brown from the Alexandria and Washington Railroad coach. Multiple witnesses are called and the circumstances of her removal are described.

  • | Government report

    Testimony of Robert Pitcairn to the Committee

    Robert Pitcairn served as the Pittsburg division superintendent of the Pennsylvania Railroad and had ordered the double-heading of trains on July 19th for all eastbound traffic. Because trains would be twice as long but run with fewer trainmen, workers on the Pennsylvania refused to run the trains and the strike spread from the Baltimore and Ohio onto the Pennsylvania lines. Pitcairn describes his view of the violence in Pittsburg, emphasizing the restraint of the military and the riotousness of the "crowd." Pitcairn places special emphasis on the role of the women in the crowd.