© 2006–2017
All Rights Reserved
William G. Thomas
Copyright Statement
Mr. Bryan will speak at the following places in Douglas county:
[Offtis] hall, Bennington, Wednesday, October 31, 4 p.m.
Poppenhagen's hall, Millard, Wednesday night at 8 o'clock.
Elkhorn, Thursday, November 1, 1 p.m.
South Omaha, Bauer's hall, Thursday night.
Lincoln, Neb., Oct. 30, 1894.—To the People of Nebraska: This is to inform the public that the laboring men of Lincoln, Neb., did in the month of August, 1894, indorse Mr. S. J. Kent and A. C. Herrick and the entire populist state and county ticket, and farther they ask the assistance of all laboring men throughout the United States, and particularly in Nebraska, through a committee of five laboring men of this city, representing a club membership of 720 members, and the accompanying are a few letters of indorsements [sic] and encouragement that said committee has received, and as the railroad candidates of this state, and particularly Mr. John M. Thurston, have and are now making the public statement that the republican party is the party of the industrial masses, therefore, we, the committee, desire to inform everybody interested that the assertion of the railroad and Thurston candidates are, in the opinion of the highest men of true labor, and the members of this committee, utterly false and misleading, as the accompanying letters will testify, being a true and correct copy of the original letters now in the hands of the secretary. Very truly and fraternally yours,
M. T. WHITE,
Chairman of Committee.
C. E. WOODWARD,
Secretary.
909 K street, Lincoln, Neb.
The political situation in Nebraska today is perhaps the most interesting ever observed in any state in the union. It must be apparent to the most casual observer that the opponents of Judge Holcomb realize that they are now grasping, like drowning men, at straws. The situation is interesting because never, in the history of any state, has there been such a shameful, disreputable attempt to thwart popular will and to interfere with popular government as is being made by the crowd of railroad lobbyists and state employees [sic] now congregated at the Millard hotel.
The republican state headquarters are thronged with men who are drawing salaries from the state, but are putting in their time in the vain effort to defeat Silas A. Holcomb. Heads of state institutions, clerks from the offices of state officials, bank examiners and coal oil inspectors are engaged in helping the republican state committee out of its said plight.
What Church Howe said of 1890 is true of 1894, and "the old ship is leaking now" from every pore. The opponents of Judge Holcomb realize that he will come to Douglas county with an overwhelming majority. They know that unless Majors can carry Douglas county by an unprecedented majority that his defeat is assured. Every energy is now being bent to snatch victory from defeat in the returns of Douglas county. Every prejudice has been appealed to and every disreputable and shameful methods has been resorted to.
The republican committee sent a man to Custer county to see if there were any "weak spots" in Judge Holcomb's record. It may be of some significance that this messenger was the same man who during the legislature of 1891 went to the floor of the state house and met by appointment State Senator Taylor—"the great abducted" —and delivered into Taylor's hands a roll of bills, which was a part of the contribution of the railroad lobby for Taylor's perfidy. Within two hours from that time Taylor had disappeared and "the places that known him knew him no more forever."
Failing to find any "weak spots" in Judge Holcomb's record, these men sought to cater to a popular prejudice by hiring men at the rate of $2.50 per day and their board at a good hotel to pose as pretended victims. They told their story to the public and they embellished it with all the arts at the command of shrewd lobbyists, who realize that upon Holcomb's defeat depends a continuation of their employment.
Falsehood after falsehood has been ground upon the industrious typewriter at the republican headquarters. There is no limit placed upon their line of attack. Anything that caters to prejudice, anything that will deceive the ignorant, anything that may tend to stay the rising tide in Holcomb's favor, anything that is susceptible of being distorted in favor of the dying republican headquarters. And there is nothing so mean, nothing so false, nothing so malicious that it cannot pass muster—for the railroad lobbyists are in the saddle and just as they have disgraced and defamed and wronged this great state, just so cheerfully do they wrong the candidate for governor whose first duty when elected will be to whip the railroad lobby from the state house.
It is not a mere campaign cry that Nebraska is the "lobby cursed" state of the union. It is a solemn and an unfortunate truth. Until 1891 the lobby had smooth sailing in Nebraska, but the democratic and populist victory of 1890 was followed by serious trouble to their element and at the two legislative sessions intervening the democrats and populists took from this disputable element much of its power. The battle now is for these men to recover their lost ground.
The anxiety is not so much for Majors personally as it is to have a governor who will veto railroad legislation. The maximum freight rate law passed at the last session has never yet gone into effect. It is effect hung up in the courts, and if that law should be amended at the coming session in such a way as to cover the defects held to exist by the courts, it would be necessary to have a governor who would veto that bill. In such an event public interest would suffer, but railroad freight rate extortion in Nebraska would be permitted to continue—and the railroad lobbyists would hold their place and power.
The abominable falsehoods printed in the columns adjoining, which, under order of the court, are being used by the republican state committee, were written by men who are drawing regular salaries from the state of Nebraska. This is a fact which cannot be denied, and which is well known in the World-Herald office. The taxpayers are paying these men presumably for doing legitimate work at the state capital. Instead of this, they are brought up here to Omaha to grind out false and malicious statements against one of Nebraska's best citizens.
When you read in these adjoining columns, controlled under order of court by the republican state committee—when you read these essays against "populism," these pretended anxieties for "state credit," these damnable falsehoods against men, it is well to remember that every line is the production of men who have been appointed to office at the request of the railroad lobby, and that they are the pathetic efforts of men whose lives are efforts in Nebraska have been dedicated to the cause of that lobby.
They are from the same crowd that aided and abetted in the abduction of a state senator.
They are from the same crowd that went to Thayer's rescue when he held possession, with a company of militia, of the executive office against James E. Boyd, who had been elected to that office.
They are from the same crowd that helped to waste the surplus of the sate in the asylum steals.
They are the same crowd that laid every possible obstacle in Boyd's way and gave every possible aid to Thayer in his unholy claim upon the executive office.
They are the same crowd that has attempted for years to make legislation in Nebraska a farce and to turn legislative session into disgraceful orgies rather than deliberate proceedings.
They are the same crowd that during the legislative session of 1891 chartered houses of ill-fame and used those houses as influences to accomplish their disreputable purpose against the honor and decency of the state.
These men have no claim to the attention of the people of Nebraska. They have never raised a hand to better the condition of the people. They have spent many sleepless nights in efforts to make the load of taxation heavier and the surplus in the state treasury lighter. Their efforts today are not along the line of good state government. These efforts are directed against popular rule and in favor of lobbyist supremacy.
These men are opposed to Silas A. Holcomb because they cannot use him. They would desire to encompass his defeat because his election means disaster to their disreputable careers.
The men who vote for Silas A. Holcomb will vote for a man who is respected and esteemed by all who know him. He is a man whose character is too high to be reached by the mudballs manufactured by men who are paid to do their worst in order that Nebraska may be delivered into the perpetual keeping of men who would pillage its institutions and who would assail its honor. He will be the next governor of Nebraska in spite of the desperate efforts to defeat him.
It will be hard upon the railroad lobby—but it will be the making of Nebraska.
MET
© 2006–2017
All Rights Reserved
William G. Thomas
Copyright Statement