William Jennings Bryan, The First Battle: A Story of the
Campaign of 1896
(Chicago: W.B. Conkey Company, 1896), 362-365.
Railway Sound Money Clubs
"I feel complimented that the distinguished executive of this great State is present
to extend a welcome in person. We in the West have always looked upon Indiana as friendly ground and
to her people as a people of congenial spirit. I am glad to be permitted to discuss even briefly in
your presence the issues of this campaign. We are entering upon a campaign which stirs men's hearts,
a campaign which is drawing out the interest of all the people. I have not in all my journey from
Nebraska to the sea found a single lukewarm person. I have found some against us, but everybody was
for or against us-no idlers anywhere. It shows how the American people are realizing their
responsibility, and preparing to exercise with intelligence and patriotism the right of suffrage
when election day arrives. Each one must decide this question for himself. As we crossed the bridge
I noticed a sign up, "No Driving Allowed." Remember that. There will be more attempts to drive in
this campaign than any in recent years, more attempts to coerce and intimidate. I want you to have
that phrase printed on a card and carry it wherever you go-.-- "No driving allowed in this
campaign."
I find here a little slip printed on paper of an appropriate color, yellow. It says:
"I, the undersigned - -, in the employ of - -." That is a very appropriate blank, because the man
who issued this considered the employee a blank. "I, - -, in the employ of the - - Railroad Company,
hereby make application for membership in the Railway Men's Sound Money Club." Why don't they say
gold club? Why do they attempt to conceal the word gold under the euphonious name of sound money? (A
voice, "They are ashamed of it.") Yes, I believe that is the reason. "Do hereby pledge myself to use
my vote and influence." There is one good thing in this slip. If they attempt to tell you how to
vote point to this and say: "It is my vote and not yours." "And do hereby pledge myself to use my
vote and influence for the defeat of free coinage at the forthcoming election"-pay attention to
this-"believing that such free coinage of silver would be injurious to my personal interests as an
earner of wages, as well as disastrous to the United States as a nation."
If the wage-earner ought to sign a statement declaring the free coinage of silver
injurious to his personal interests, I want to ask you why the advocates of the gold standard who
are engaged in other kinds of business do not make some statement in regard to their business? Why
do not the members of the syndicates which have been bleeding the United States Treasury make
application for membership in a club and declare that the free coinage of silver is injurious to
their personal interests? Why do not the bondholding classes in their applications state that it
would be injurious to their personal interests? Why don't the money changers and the attorneys of
the great trusts and corporations write in their applications that the success of the Chicago ticket
would be injurious to their personal interest? They want it understood that the laboring man is
influenced by his personal interests, but that the great leaders of the gold standard are simply
interested in the public weal."